As those of you who are attuned to international politics have likely heard, Néstor Kirchner, the ex-president of Argentina (who is also the husband of the current president, Cristina Fernández), died suddenly of a heart attack at the age of 60, at a time when he was still one of the dominant figures in Argentine politics and was expected to be a premier candidate in the 2011 presidential elections.
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I happened to hear of his death while in San Miguel de Tucumán, a city located about four hours to the south of Salta, where I had gone to see a presentation by Eduardo Galeano, of Days and Nights of Love and War and Open Veins of Latin America fame. Galeano, an Uruguayan journalist, is one of my favorite authors, who has been a strident, poetic and political analyst and storyteller about Latin America, a sort of Gabriel Garcia Marquez meets Howard Zinn. He achieved his moment of greatest international fame when Hugo Chávez passed Obama a copy of Open Veins during a pan-American summit. While seeking to recreate Zinn´s project of telling a popular history “from the bottom up”, he prefers to use a vignette style laden with elements of magical realism which gives his writing a profundity that is instantly quotable.
Examples: “Utopia lies at the horizon. When I draw nearer by two steps, it retreats two steps. If I proceed ten steps forward, it swiftly slips ten steps ahead. No matter how far I go, I can never reach it.
What, then, is the purpose of utopia? It is to cause us to advance.”
and
“Fleas dream of buying themselves a dog, and nobodies dream of escaping poverty: that, one magical day, good luck will suddenly rain down on them – will rain down in buckets. But good luck doesn’t rain down, yesterday, today, tomorrow or ever. Good luck doesn’t even fall in a fine drizzle, no matter how hard the nobodies summon it, even if their left hand is tickling, or if they begin the new day on their right foot, or start the new year with a change of brooms.
The nobodies: nobody’s children, owners of nothing. The nobodies: the no-ones, the nobodied, running like rabbits, dying through life, screwed every which way.
Who are not, but could be. Who don’t speak languages, but dialects. Who don’t have religions, but superstitions. Who don’t create art, but handicrafts. Who don’t have culture, but folklore. Who are not human beings, but human resources. Who do not have faces, but arms. Who do not have names, but numbers. Who do not appear in the history of the world, but in the crime reports of the local paper. The nobodies, who are not worth the bullet that kills them.”
Galeano read from his newest book of vignettes called “Mirrors” and took some questions from the audience, the majority of which were largely softballs about his writing process and personal history. The presentation took place in a totally packed historic theater and there were hordes of people outside who were listening to him speak through loudspeakers. My impression was that folks were just extraordinarily grateful to have a figure of his prominence visit a provincial city like Tucumán, far from the big cultural centers of Latin America, and just came to see him. As one might expect from his writing, Galeano is a tremendously witty old man, with the humanistic populism of his writing standing in sharp contrast against the technocratic prescriptions of those he opposes and the violence he claims they provoke. While one may disagree with parts of his economic interpretation of Latin American history, his critique of the brutality state power and the lack of value placed on the lives and the struggles of the popular classes is a moral message that can resonate with almost anyone.
After dining at, no joke, a Galeano themed boho restaurant called “El Árbol de Galeano” (he did not grace it with his presence), I spent the night in the apartment of the Fulbright scholars placed there. We were just waking up when we checked the website of La Gaceta, the local newspaper in Tucumán and were greeted with the stark headline “Murió Néstor Kirchner”.
We swiftly surfed to other news sites, and found no confirmation of this, and for some moments we considered whether this might be a bizarre prank being played by the political opposition. But, within the next ten minutes, as the web-based editors of the national dailies got on their game, the rest of the sites shared the same message. The man of the post-crisis era of Argentina was dead, and a storm of uncertainty was looming.
The day this huge news broke also happened to be national census day, when all businesses must remain closed by law and people are expected to stay in their homes and await their local census worker. Argentina attempts to undertake the Herculean task of counting its entire population in one day in a ten-year period, during which the normally busy streets of its cities became deathly silent, trod only by confused gringos and the odd policeman. It is difficult to imagine that the results of this tally are all-inclusive, and are certainly not as detailed as that collected by the US Census Bureau, but I imagine it saves a lot of costs over spreading it out over a months-long period. But, at any rate, the lack of people on the street accentuated the sense that the day was far from normal.
When I had first arrived in Argentina, my image of the Kirchners was ambivalent. I was not familiar with the content of their policies, except for the facts that the Economist really dislikes them and that they like to present themselves as a non-neoliberal government. My understanding of their government was not further advanced by my being in Salta, which is a conservative city largely hostile to their policies. However, as I read more and spoke with more people, I became more and more a fan of the Kirchners – so much so that their government, along with that of Lula da Silva in Brazil, fills me with great hope for the future potential of the Latin American continent, a place where “Change you can Believe In” actually means something else than minor reformist tinkering with the existing structures.
And how this was accomplished was truly remarkable.
Kirchner came in to the presidency in 2003 as an obscure provincial governor who had garnered 22% of the vote. He finished second in the first round to former president and neoliberal icon Carlos Menem, who decided not to continue to the second round because polls showed that he would lose. He had scarce control over his own political party, much less the national political scene, and was coming in two years after the worst economic crisis in Argentine history, which was marked by a sovereign debt default, freezing of private bank accounts, factory occupations, pervasive street protests and pickets by the unemployed, some of which were repressed with deadly force, and a rotating cast of different presidents. The dream of Argentina as a wealthy country, which pervades the nation´s history and was alive for a couple speculation-filled years in the mid-1990s, appeared to yield violently to the realization that it was “just” another Latin American country, dependent entirely on economic forces beyond its control.
But, defying the expectations held by most people, the outsider had firmly established beliefs of his own. He presided over consistent economic growth that has been well above the Latin American average, and showed a keen desire to reassert the state, instead of merely the market, as an actor in the distribution of resources. With the growing reserves acquired from a consistent trade surplus, they paid off the entirety of the country´s debt to the IMF, assuring that they would have complete policy autonomy and not have to deal with any externally-imposed conditionalities. Together with Lula, Kirchner helped kill the Bush-era Free Trade Area of the Americas plan, which would have turned all of Latin America into a huge NAFTA zone for foreign products. A consistent inflation rate was the by-product of this economic growth, but for the first time in a long time, Argentina seemed to have both stable economic growth and the continuation of democratic institutional stability. 11 million people that had fallen into poverty during the worst of the crisis were brought out of it, a quarter of the country´s population.
There were also other surprises. Kirchner got the human rights organizations on his side by becoming a forceful advocate for the “desaparecidos”, and for reopening trials into the crimes of the brutal military dictatorship, many of whose leaders had been pardoned under the Menem government. He ordered that the portraits of the coup leaders be removed from the military academies. This was a huge symbolic move that prior governments had strayed away from with the aim of promoting “reconciliation” and social peace, which for them meant the peace of the graveyards – you can beat, torture and kill thousands of people who strive for a better future, and as long as you promise not to do it anymore, forgiveness will be yours. This alone merits the government a place in history, for Argentina has the meritorious distinction of being the only Latin American country which has really put a significant number of its military rulers on trial in a democratic context.
The Kirchner couple than renationalized many privatized companies (such as the postal service and the state airline), renationalized the privatized pension system to garner more money for the state, instituted universal welfare payments for children under 18, and passed a media law that would limit the control that any single media entity could have in a given market (an attack on private media monopolies). Oh, and in the meantime, they passed legislation to make Argentina the first Latin American country to permit gay marriage.
Not bad, compared to the pace that legislation advances in the US system. Not surprisingly, a president this effective, and whose policies challenge, albeit moderately, a host of established interests is likely to garner a lot of opposition. Although the Argentine right lacks the apocalyptic tenor (and looniness) of its US counterpart, it has had roughly the same electoral strategy – bash the Kirchners for all the problems of the nation and vote against the government´s legislation, no matter if the content of the legislation is identical to what they themselves were proposing years ago.
And, in order to pass all this legislation, Néstor Kirchner did not sit down and say – “Well, I only have 22% of the vote, while I need to be the president for all Argentines. I need to invite everyone to the table so that we can have a reasoned discussion about the best way forward for the country, instead of rashly imposing my own, scarcely legitimized, political position.” This strategy only works in university seminars on constitutional democracy and Barack Obama´s mind. He conceived of his role as a militant for a cause, not as a “great uniter”, and the advancement of this cause sometimes took precedent over established institutional arrangements. He made many decisions by presidential decree instead of seeking congressional approval and was very fierce at establishing his base of power and excluding or burying potential rivals. It was “you are with us or you are against us”, which is the classic populist formulation.
While this model is quite unsavory when it is used to justify the invasion of Middle Eastern countries, it works pretty well for effecting social change. Public opinion after the 2001 crisis was extremely nebulous in terms of policy prescriptions – the people wanted change, and they were glad to elect an unknown outsider to bring it (not unlike the situation in post-crisis US circa 2008). Instead of yielding to existing public opinion, the Kirchners pushed forward with an ambitious program that would be judged upon its merits after its implementation, and secured the allegiance of a good number of previously-apathetic youth with its human rights policies.
As with any government, there was also a dark side. Although they paled in comparison to the institutionalized corruption of the Menem period, there were incidents of the “government minister found with briefcase of US dollars coming from Venezuela” variety. It is also said that the Kirchners´ personal net worth had skyrocketed during their presidency, most of it coming from shady land deals with the local government in their home province in Patagonia. The evidence is also pretty strong that they instructed the national statistics agency to issue unrealistically low inflation estimates. People close to the government have done well, and certain businesses openly hostile in the government have been treated unfairly. Finally, they lost a lot of popularity in an ultimately failed attempt to increase taxes on large-scale export agriculture, which resulted in nationwide producers´ strikes.
But compared to the changes they have instituted, these are trivialities. The Kirchners have always been accused of being confrontational, aggressive, and divisive, and this is true. When you have political forces that are dedicated to protecting the interests of the same elite that benefited from a crisis that devasted your country, you have to attack them, methodically and ruthlessly. For politics is not merely a game of differing opinions, but of opposing interests. If you want to push forward a project that will benefit some sectors of the population, you will step on the toes of other sectors with a lot of power, both in terms of money and media exposure. Good for them for being aggressive, for attacking, for not seeking an ideologically vapid compromise, and for being sufficiently firm in their ideological principles to put into practice what they wanted to see happen. Good for them for being militants, for striving to generate the popular base for their politics that did not exist before, and for reinjecting the war of ideas into a politics that before (as in, say, Mexico) had served primarily for the enrichment of its participants.
And, now, we move to the great Nobel-Prize-winning “there is no red state America, there is no blue state America, there is only the United States of America” reformer-president, whose party is set to lose vast quantities of Congressional seats to a right-wing opposition whose representatives´ characteristics range from an irrational free-market fundamentalism nonexistent anywhere else on the planet to clinical lunacy. Because Barack, he believed that with His Charisma, His Popularity and His Innovative, Practical Policy Solutions, he would be able to get the Republicans to the table, negotiating a decent economic policy, health-care overhaul, financial system reform and, why not, get climate and immigration policy in line.
I hoped that this was some sort of clever ruse that he was just mouthing in order to get elected as a “uniter” that he would discard upon becoming president, due to the evident reality that the nations´ problems required stronger medicine, but it turned out that he was honest. He actually set upon the task of gutting his policy proposals in a vain attempt to convince “moderates” to vote for them, and ended up allowing the opposition to set the boundaries on fiscal policy, preventing a stimulus package of greater size, passing health-care reform without the public option and a tepid financial reform. He still hasn´t closed Guantánamo, despite signing the order to do so on his first day as President, and it seems clear that the nation´s undocumented immigrants still face a long road ahead to recognition.
Of course, had he said – “I was elected with a vast majority of the popular vote, and health care is a key priority for all Americans. We will pass the entire package by budget reconciliation if you don´t get on board immediately” he probably would have been painted as an anti-American confrontational authoritarian socialist. In other words, he would have been presented exactly the same as he is currently, except we would have a national option in our health care system. It is not clear that he would have succeeded beyond initial legislation, and it´s probable that the fact-free Tea Party mobilizations would have occurred just the same. But he would have shown himself to be strong and decisive, kept his base rallied and excited, and, in the best of all worlds, attracted people to him through strong leadership. And he wouldn´t have allowed what is considered to be center-right politics in Europe to be defined as “extreme leftism” in the United States.
But unlike 22% Kirchner, 53% (or whatever it was) Obama is not a militant. He gives the opposition (read: business interests) a chance to get on board with his political project. When they reward him with months of concerted misinformation, he invites them to a summit to seek out mutual understanding. And the country slouches towards the future, with a dysfunctional political system, leaving none of its largest questions resolved.
So this is a long shout-out to you, Néstor. Because of you, Argentina is starting out on the right path, has started to deal with its bloody past, has started to march together with its neighbors in the construction of a Latin America that is not just the back door of the First World, but a developing regional power. The thousands of Argentines that travelled from all over the country to pay their respects by your coffin have shown you their gratitutde for this, but it is also yet another “teachable moment” for the rest of the world from the emerging powers of Latin America, the only region that has not shifted to the right after the global economic process – that there is another way to economic growth except fiscal austerity, balancing the budget on the backs of the workers and shredding through decades of gains earned through social struggle.
The mourning in Salta, backwater that it is, has been quite limited, despite a somewhat sizeable demonstration in the main plaza the day of his passing and a sign put up in his honor there. Many (arguably most) of my students, regretably, do not have any conception of their own history which is so fascinating to me. This is not a peculiarly Argentine phenomenon (just look at the miserable level of history knowledge that some students have in the USA), but it is a major stumbling block in making informed decisions for their future. Certain teachers in the Profesorado actually give them some basic lessons about different periods in Argentine history, which is admirable, but is also perhaps too little, too late to influence their overall perceptions, saturated by a media hostile to progressive projects.
And my final thought is that the point of all this is not that Kirchner was a uniquely amazing figure and all should bow down to him. When he became president he was not known for being particularly progressive in his own province, had accompanied the neoliberal reforms in the 1990s without much fuss, and was elected primarily for being a blank slate. He did not run as Che Guevara. He just knew how to take advantage of the political opportunties that were presented him to reform a country in desperate need of it, and turn it into a more equitable place with more opportunities for its citizens, instead of a casino for foreign investors. Someone else could have done it, for the opportunity was there. But someone else didn´t do it. It was Néstor.
As a final note, as you can tell, this is precisely the reason why I enjoy living in Argentina and in Latin America in general. Here, as in Bolivia, ideology matters. Ideas matter. And, finally, after a veritably biblical history of suffering, the arrogance of power, constant setbacks and the seeming implacability of the global order, there is a constellation of forces moving the right way, together. It is a fragile project that could easily be destroyed by an unfavorable election or two in some key countries, but if it succeeds, it will have importance on a global scale. And it is nice to live in lands of hope and change and creativity, as for a few days in 2008 we believed we might have the privilege of inhabiting, then those of a bitter empire in decline. Even if in your heart, you believe that ultimately your responsibility is to return and work to help the inevitable victims of its spasms.
The Streets of Downtown Jujuy
Cemetery outside of Humahuaca
Streets of Tilcara
“We are a culture that walks in a globalized world” – Humahuaca
Part of the Via Crucis Procession

The colors, the colors
Me and some other Fulbright becarios in Tilcara
